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New Stardust Fire Inquest for Victims of 1981

26/09/2019 by admin 1 Comment

It is three years since the Attorney General of the day decided that a new Stardust Fire inquest into the deaths of the 48 young people who perished in the 1981 nightclub fire should be held and yet the families still wait.

For more than forty-one years the families and friends of the victims and the survivors have been fighting for the truth of what happened to their loved ones on that Valentine’s Night in Artane and why. Campaigning for truth and justice for more than four decades, these heroic people have faced heartbreak and pain, frustration and suffering, insult and injury as successive governments and civil servants brushed them off.

No one has ever been held responsible for the worst fire disaster in the state’s history.

The latest delay and cause of frustration was the attempt by Eamon Butterly, general manager of the Stardust nightclub on the night of the fire and son of the nightclub owner and Fianna Fail associate Patrick Butterly, to prevent a finding of “unlawful killing” being available to the coroner, Dr. Myra Cullinane.

But on 2 November 2022 Mr Justice Charles Meenan in the High Court ruled “unlawful killing” should be available to the jury in the inquests.

‘The ruling is very welcome. We have been fighting for these inquests to get
underway since 2019,’ Maurice McHugh, who along with his wife Phyliss, lost their only daughter Caroline aged 17 in the fire, told The Irish Times.

‘What we want to achieve is to know how the fire started that night, what happened to our children. We hope to get started now and get answers.’

Over the last two years, fourteen pre-Inquest hearings have taken place and now that Butterly’s legal challenge to the process has concluded, the fifteenth hearing scheduled to take place at 2pm on 23 November 2022 at The Pillar Room, Rotunda Foundation, Parnell Square East, Dublin 1 could well be the first day of the official inquests.

The Long Road to Justice for the Victims of the Stardust Tragedy

All the pain we’ve been put through, all the stuff we’ve gone through for the truth. This is what we fought for, campaigned for, and what we wanted.

This is how Selina McDermott greeted the news on 25 September 2019 that there will be a new inquest in to the Stardust fire. Selina’s sister Marcella (16) and her brothers, George (19) and William (22) died on the night of 14 February 1981 at the Valentine’s Day disco at the Stardust nightclub, Artane. In all, 48 people died that night with another 11 badly disfigured, 214 physically injured and hundreds, too, traumatised ever since.

Starting in a first-floor storeroom, a fire that night developed rapidly, in part because despite a lack of planning-permission, flammable materials were present in great quantity, including nearly 250kg of cooking oil in five drums. Although the Fire Brigade were alerted in minutes a blast of heat and the melting of ceiling material, followed by the lights going out created a catastrophic situation.

Stardust Fire inquest. Eamon Butterly owns the Butterly Business Park, which is the modern site of the Stardust fire of 1981. The picture is evening and shows a two story building with a large front entrance, above which the word Butterly is spelled out in glowing pale lights.
The Butterly Business Park, owned by Eamon Butterly, the site of the Stardust Fire of 1981

Most of the dead and injured came from Artane, Kilmore and greater Coolock, where the community has never ceased to suffer. Not only because of the pain of the losses, but also because of the way in which our political and legal system has failed us.

Independent Left Councillor John Lyons’ response to the announcement of the new inquests was to welcome it as hugely important but he added that this should never have taken so long.

The families of the victims and the survivors of the worst fire disaster in the history of the Irish state have been through hell and back many times over the last thirty eight years, from the initial political cover up by way of the Keane tribunal to years of political indifference, and the more recent con job that was the McCartan Report, which can only be described as a disgraceful insult, the families kept fighting, kept demanding answers as to how forty eight young people died in that building.

They have been vindicated by the decision of the Attorney General to open up new inquests into the forty eight deaths. But the survivors and the families and friends of the victims should not have had to wait nearly four decades to get the answers they deserve. If the fire had taken place in Blackrock rather than Artane, there is no way that people would be left waiting so long for justice. The working class communities of Coolock and Artane know this to be true as the treatment they have received from the Irish state, successive Fianna Fail and Fine Gael-Labour Party has been nothing short of a scandal.

The fact that the Keane tribunal of 1981 found that the fire was probably caused by arson – a finding that was always disputed and eventually ruled out – meant that the owners, the Butterly family not only escaped compensation claims and therefore proper accountability for their actions, which included the obstruction of fire exits, but they were awarded IR£580,000 in compensation.

The Stardust had been developed without planning permission and the fire authorities had denied Paddy Butterly permission to retain the club unless he installed another fire escape.

Although a 633-page was sent by the Gardai to the DPP, the only person to face charges arising from the tragedy was John Keegan, whose two daughters died that night, for confronting Paddy Butterly.

Eamon Butterly Has a Lot of Questions to Answer at a New Stardust Fire Inquest

The Butterly family were – and probably still are – highly networked politically. In his memoirs, published just for family and friends but leaked, Paddy Butterly reveals that a former economic advisor to Labour Tanaiste Dick Spring worked for the family for two years. While he was Minister for Industry and Commerce, Fianna Fáil’s Kevin Boland had a chat over coffee with Paddy Butterly nearly every morning. “We were all Finna Failers”, reports Butterly, and adds that Fianna Fáil Taoiseach Jack Lynch asked Butterly to join Taca, their party fundraising group for wealthy businessmen.

‘‘What you had these people for,” explains Butterly, “was to help get things. I don’t mean by giving them money. But if you wanted to know something about your business or you wanted someone who could do something, you didn’t get the answers by writing into the papers. You asked these people.”

The injustice of the treatment of the Stardust families and their lack of access to political power in comparison to the situation of the Butterly’s explains why it has taken so long to obtain this inquest. And why it has been such an uphill struggle.

When, in 2006, Eamon Butterly, owner of the Stardust, opened The Silver Swan pub in the business park where the fire took place, protesters played the following Christy Moore song for ten weeks outside the bar, every night between six and eight pm.

They Never Came Home, was released in 1985 and was banned, with Christy Moore being found guilty of contempt of court for having written it. It remains a powerful statement on a terrible tragedy and a political system that has only contempt for working class communities.

They Never Came Home Lyrics

Christy Moore

St Valentine's day comes around once a year,
All our thought turn to love as the day it draws near,
When sweethearts and darlings, husbands and wives,
Pledge love and devotion for the rest of their lives.
As day turns to evening soon night-time does fall,
Young people preparing for the Valentine's Ball,
As the night rings with laughter some people still mourn
The 48 children who never came home.
Have we forgotten the suffering and pain
The survivors and victims of the fire in Artane,
The mothers and fathers forever to mourn
The 48 children who never came home.
Down to the Stardust they all made their way
The bouncers stood back as they lined up to pay
The records are spinning there's dancing as well
Just how the fire started sure no one can tell.
In a matter of seconds confusion did reign
The room was in darkness fire exits were chained
The firefighters wept for they could not hide,
Their anger and sorrow for those left inside.
Have we forgotten the suffering and pain
The survivors and victims of the fire in Artane,
The mothers and fathers forever to mourn
The 48 children who never came home.
All around the city the bad news it spread
There's a fire in the Stardust there's 48 dead
Hundreds of children are injured and maimed
And all just because the fire exits were chained.
Our leaders were shocked, grim statements were made
They she'd tears in the graveyard as the bodies were laid
The victims have waited in vain for 4 years
It seems like our leaders she'd crocodile tears.
Have we forgotten the suffering and pain
The survivors and victims of the fire in Artane,
The mothers and fathers forever to mourn
The 48 children who never came home.
Half a million was spent on solicitor's fees,
A fortune to the owner and his family
It's hard to believe not one penny came
To the working class people who suffered the pain.
Days turn to weeks and weeks turn to years
Our laws favour the rich or so it appears
A woman still waits for her lads to come home
Injustice breeds anger and that's what's been done.
Have we forgotten the suffering and pain
The survivors and victims of the fire in Artane,
The mothers and fathers forever to mourn
The 48 children who never came home.

Antoinette Keegan, who lost two sisters in the Stardust disaster, asked people to give John Lyons (Independent Left) their number one vote in Dublin Bay North in the general election of 2020.

John has been very, very helpful to us, been a huge support, given us a lot of time and effort. He’s been on the campaign for a long, long time. He has been fantastic for justice for Stardust and also other issues in the community. Please give him your number one vote.

Antoinette Keegan, member of the Justice for the Stardust 48 group.

’48 by Gemma Kane was a powerful play about the Stardust tragedy

Actor and playright Gemma Kane has a personal connection to the disaster at the Stardust, her parents were there that night (and escaped). ’48 is told through the perspectives of four people who – with a lot of humour – share their lives and dreams in the run up to their fateful night out.

The cast were Gemma Kane, Emily Fox, Laurence Falconer and Niall O’Brien, the play was directed by Clare Maguire and produced by Ali Fox. It was shown on 12 February and 13 February 2020 in the Axis Theatre, Ballymun.

Gemma Kane, Emily Fox, Laurence Falconer  and Niall O’Brien are sitting on a stone wall under some trees. They are dressed in 80s clothes, as the characters from '48, a play about the Stardust tragedy.
Gemma Kane, Emily Fox, Laurence Falconer and Niall O’Brien: the cast of ’48, a play about the Stardust fire.

39th Anniversary Vigil of the Stardust Tragedy

On 13 February 2020, a vigil was held to commemorate the Stardust tragedy. Singer Christy Moore, longstanding supporter of the Stardust families, attended, along with North Dublin Gospel-Choir, Eamon Dunphy and Charlie Bird. Dublin City Council supported the event and provided a marquee outside the former Stardust venue at Butterly Business Park on the Kilmore Road in Artane.

Justice for the Stardust48

Stardust Fire Inquest. A plaque to remember the 48 victims who lost their lives in the Stardust - Michael Barrett, Richard Bennett, Carol Bissett, Jimmy Buckley, Paula Byrne, Caroline Carey, John Colgan, Jacqueline Croker, Liam Dunne, Michael Farrell, David Flood, Thelma Frazer, Michael French, Josephine Glen, Michael Griffiths, Robert Hillick, Brian Hobbs, Eugene Hogan, Murtagh Kavanagh, Martina Keegan, Mary Keegan, Robert Kelly, Mary Kennedy, Mary Kenny, Margaret Kiernan, Sandra Lawless, Francis Lawlor, Maureen Lawlor, Paula Lewis, Eamon Loughman, George McDermott, Marcella McDermott, William McDermott, Julie McDonnell, Teresa McDonnell, Gerard McGrath, Caroline McHugh, Donna Mahon, Helena Mangan, James Millar, Susan Morgan, David Morton, Kathleen Muldoon, George O'Connor, Brendan O'Meara, John Stout, Margaret Thornton, Paul Wade.
Memorial Plaque to the Stardust 48
Stardust Fire Inquest. The stage at the marquee for the 13 February 2020 memorial event for the Stardust 48. It shows a microphone, a red curtain and in front of it in large yellow figures: 48. A pop-up banner on the right of the pictures says: forever in our hearts.
The stage at the marquee for the 13 February 2020 memorial event for the Stardust 48.
Stardust Fire Inquest. A full marquee at the moving Stardust 48 memorial, 13. February 2020. The picture shows a marquee with temporary lighting and chairs, It is full with people standing at the back.
A full marquee at the moving Stardust fire memorial, 13 February 2020.

Filed Under: All Posts

Ireland’s Climate Strike 20 September 2019

21/09/2019 by admin Leave a Comment

Young people in Ireland played their part in the massive world-wide strike against Climate Change on 20 September 2019. The energy and determination as well as the frustration of the participants was evident in the chants and slogans on the placards.

Fair play to the anonymous students who posted on Reddit that they had to go against the principal to participate:

Obviously have to keep this anonymous so I wont say what school but today out school refused to let us out of school for a few hours to the protests for climate change
I think this is a joke like seriously. It was only from 12-3 like its ridiculous. The school didn’t even mention it to us at all that this was happening or suggested we take part in it ourselves.
Needless to say we weren’t taking this shit so we grouped together and about 80-100 students rushed out the doors and ran to protest anyways.

Here are some of the images and videos from the day.

Participants in Belfast for Climate Strike 20 September 2019
Dublin protesters turned out in huge numbers, here marching along the west side of Merrion Square (photo credit: Conor Healy)

View of the 20 September 2019 climate strike, from above, south side of Merrion Square, Dublin.

The Irish Times concentrated on very young protesters but nevertheless captured the sense of determination as well as anxiety among protesters in their coverage of the climate strike in Dublin 20 September.

Gathering for the 20 September climate strike, Galway.
Grand Parade Cork, 20 September 2019, another large turnout as part of Ireland’s support for the climate strike.
The famous ‘Free Derry’ wall, painted over to support the climate strike of 20 September 2019 (and a march on 21 September).

Filed Under: All Posts, Protests Ireland

The Shock of Climate Change, the Awe of Geo-Engineering

17/09/2019 by Conor Kostick 2 Comments

A vast cloud of smoke issues from an active volcano; streams of lava pour from the cone.
Past volcanic eruptions serve as a warning against solar geoengineering

Even if human society immediately managed a complete stop to the emission of carbon, we will fail to achieve the target of the Paris Accord of 2016, of keeping the increase in planetary temperatures to under 2% above pre-industrial levels. And of course, carbon emissions, far from coming to an end are increasing. There is no doubt that dramatic climate change is underway and it is not slowing down.

We are in very big trouble as a species unless we invent miracle solution to global warming. And as the crisis crows, so does momentum behind a project that has striking parallels with the Manhattan Project, the 1941 assembly of scientists at Los Alamos that eventually led to nuclear strikes on Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the danger (that remains with us) of nuclear winter for the planet.

The risks of Geo-engineering

The project I’m referring to is that of Geo-engineering the planet’s atmosphere and in particular, the plan to apply the stratospheric aerosol injection (SAI) of chemical compounds. The idea is to pump sulphates (dust) into to the upper atmosphere so that solar radiation is back-scattered into space.

Behind the push for a Geo-engineered solution to global warming are backers such as the Bill Gates Foundation and the idea is gathering momentum. You can see the growing number of geo-engineering projects via map.geoengineeringmonitor.org, which shows that there were more than eight hundred projects in 2017 (compared to three hundred in 2012).

SAI is an idea that will work. We know it does because when, in the past, such as in 1815, massive volcanic eruptions blasted dust into the stratosphere, the next year or two saw global temperatures drop by as much as five per cent. SAI scientists are attempting to recreate the effect of these volcanoes artificially.

A cartoon of a volcano beside a ballon, both pushing dust above the stratosphere. Sunlight, drawn as a yellow arrow, partially bounces off the veil of dust.
Solar engineering mimics the effect of powerful volcanos
Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:SPICE_SRM_overview.jpg

One of the parallels between the Geo-engineering drive and the Manhattan Project, is that several of the scientists involved in this research have claimed that the technology will never be used. They are developing the technology… ‘just in case’. But as the climate crisis unfolds, panic measures will be implemented and any new technology that we have available to address global warming will be considered in earnest, no matter now risky.

And there are massive risks with this apparent solution to global warming.

One important point to make about SAI is that it would not change the density of carbon in the atmosphere and therefore it would have no impact on effects such as the acidification of the seas. Secondly, SAI could allow companies and countries to avoid a fundamental solution to the burning of fossil fuels. In fact, petrochemical companies have expressed an interest in supplying the sulphates needed for the project, which would be paid-for by taxpayers. If implemented, SAI represents a huge win for them.

The most common objection to SAI geo-engineering is a strong one: how do we know what the consequence will be? Predictions of what will happen depend on computer models for the atmosphere and at the current time, these models are nowhere near accurate enough to be confident about the impact of SAI. Given that important global phenomena like the North Atlantic Oscillation and the El Niño-Southern Oscillation have yet to be successfully modeled, we just cannot predict what will happen on a global scale, let alone a regional scale. It is very likely that filling the stratosphere with sulphates will not only cool the planet but it will create major turbulence and extreme weather events. Particularly important here is the effect on rainfall: it is quite possible an overall cooling of the planet through SAI is accompanied by devastating floods and droughts at a regional level.

My own concern about SAI arises from my research into the societal consequences of major volcanic eruptions. Let’s suppose humanity starts on the SAI approach, we are then caught in a very dangerous situation, where every year we will have to keep up the practice filling the stratosphere with particles. And as soon as we stop, the underlying crisis of high planetary temperatures will reassert themselves. But what would happen if during this process a major volcano erupted? The dumping of tonnes of dust into the stratosphere on top of the human effort will have devastating consequences. There will be a year or two without summers, crop failure on a massive scale and enormous economic dislocation as planes are grounded for months.

I’m looking at the medieval world in particular, where life was far more precarious than our own. But we cannot be complacent about the potential for resilience today. Modern society in some ways is more vulnerable than that of our medieval predecessors. Just-in-time production and the inter-dependency of the world economy means that if international trade is grounded for several months, the consequences would be shocking.

After the 2010 Icelandic eruption of Eyjafjallajökull, air traffic was affected in some regions for up to a month. This was a volcanic eruption of about one tenth the size of those I’ve been researching in the historical record.

My point is that as the geo-engineering option becomes more appealing in the face of increasingly damaging consequences arising from global warming we will lose track of the bigger historical picture in the hope of a short-term fix. But what this wider perspective demonstrates is that sooner or later a major eruption will happen that brings its own challenges. And if we have already saturated the atmosphere artificially with sulphates when it does, we are going to bring about a year or two of unforeseen, incredibly cold years of massive economic dislocation and crop failure.

Awareness of the dangers of Geo-engineering needs to grow

There is no governing body that can stop a figure like Donald Trump from beginning this process. Geo-engineering on sufficient scale to cool the planet would cost about a billion dollars. That’s relatively cheap to implement. And this brings imperial considerations into play. There is nothing to stop a rich country, which also is relatively protected from unpredictable consequences from going ahead on their own. Nothing, that is, except the opposition of their own population. That’s why awareness of the dangers of geo-engineering needs to grow, especially among those protesting on 20 September.

This post was originally written for We Only Want the Earth, a Facebook page curated by Dave Lordan to build support for the global climate strike 20 September 2019.

You can download an academic chapter that deals with the topic in greater depth by clicking here.

And below is an interview between myself and Pat Kenny of Newstalk about the dangers of GeoEngineering:

Filed Under: All Posts, Independent Left Policies

O’Devaney Gardens: Public Lands for Public Housing

12/09/2019 by John Lyons 4 Comments

O'Devaney Gardens protest to build public housing by the Campaign for Public Housing, the Homeless Street Engagement Group, Dublin 8 Housing Action Collective, Forward Together and local residents, 11 May 2022, City Hall, Dublin
O’Devaney Gardens protest by The Campaign for Public Housing, the Homeless Street Engagement Group, Dublin 8 Housing Action Collective, Forward Together and local residents, 11 May 2022, City Hall, Dublin.

O’Devaney Gardens is a 14 hectare site right next to the Phoenix Park, and if developed sensibly, could have provided a large number of social and affordable housing units on site, yet instead it is being used to give a huge payday to developer Bartra Capital.

Public land at O’Devaney Gardens Given Away for Private Developer Profit

It is more than two years since a terrible decision to gift the public land at O’Devaney Gardens to the property developers Bartra Capital was made by Fianna Fail and Fine Gael councillors joining forces with councillors from the Social Democrats, the Greens and Labour. A full two years on and what has happened on the site?

Precisely nothing.  No sod turned nor one brick laid.

In the midst of a deepening housing crisis, Barta delayed and delayed lodging a planning application, and when indeed they did apply for planning permission, rather than adhering to the agreement made with DCC in November 2019 to deliver 796 new homes, the developer went looking for more: going higher and denser. An Bord Pleanala duly delivered a planning permission in September 2021 to build 1,047 residential units across 10 apartment blocks up to 14 storeys high.

As far as a bad deal goes, at least those who voted in favour of it could now say housing was on the way, no?

No. Bartra have spent the past six months in the High Court challenging one of the conditions attached by An Bord Pleanala to the planning permission, namely that the developer was prohibited from selling any of the “for private sale” apartments to institutional investors, ie vulture funds.

Take a moment to realise that DCC officials and councillors from the Social Democrats, the Greens, Labour along with Fine Gael and Fianna Fail still believe that this is the best use our public land and the best way to deliver housing in the city. Truly dire politics wedded to failed neoliberal ways of governance.

Fianna Fail Force Through Giveaway at O’Devaney Gardens 11 May 2022

On 11 May 2022, I spoke at a special meeting of Dublin City Council on the giveaway of O’Devaney Gardens to a private developer and called for the deal to be scrapped.

The O’Devaney Gardens PPP deal was a disaster from day one and should have been stopped before it began. This is as true today in its latest iteration as it was in 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018 and 2019 when we last voted on the deal. Barta have breached certain conditions of the Development Agreement and therefore the deal should be rescinded immediately, the plans for this site gifted to DCC and work begin on engaging construction companies to go on site and commence building genuinely good value social homes and actually affordable rental and purchase homes.

We know that the housing crisis so that so many individuals, couples and families are enduring has been caused by the extremist market ideology of Fianna Fail and Fine Gael over the last number of decades as they took turns at misgoverning this state, viewing housing as a commodity from which private interests have a divine right to profit from at our expense.It was ever thus with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael. In the first decade of this century their ideology led to the massive property bubble and crash in 2008 and the resultant decade of misery for so many a alongside the wholesale gifting of vast swathes of Irish property to international vultures via NAMA, and a retrenchment in social housing construction which led directly to our current housing crisis.

So to expect either of these parties, or indeed their junior partners in crime from time to time the Labour Party, to “solve” the housing crisis is ludicrous – their policies are the housing crisis. Which leads us to this city council and our responsibilities to the people who elected us in 2014 and in 2019: they did not elect us to rubber stamp the appalling housing policies coming from FF FG Lab Greens at national level which have had and are having such devastating consequences for so many but particularly for thousands of children whose early years have been so negatively affected by this housing crisis.

When the plan to privatise vast tracts of public land emerged in 2014/2015, a plan known as the Housing Land Initiative, it should have been rejected outright as it was by myself and other socialist councillors. We should have joined together and campaigned with all those concerned with the housing crisis to force a change in government housing policy.But instead the largest group on DCC at the time with 16 councillors, Sinn Fein, enabled this disastrous public-private partnership model of housing delivery to progress through 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018 and 2019.

So at a national level the blame lies squarely with FFFG but at the local level of the city council Sinn Fein, the Labour Party, Greens and Social Democrats must carry a significant amount of the blame for the continuation of failed neoliberal housing policies that sees prime parcels of public land like O’Devaney Gardens and Oscar Traynor Road gifted to private developers in return for expensive social homes, unaffordable cost rental homes and unaffordable private purchase homes.

There is another way to deliver social and affordable housing that doesn’t rely on private, for profit developers but sadly the support that the Housing Land Initiative has received over the last 7 years from all the above parties has at the very best delayed an alternative housing policy emerging for at least a decade and at the very worst, has buried the potential for Dublin City Council, in conjunction with construction companies, delivering the social and affordable housing so many Dubliners need and deserve.

So where are we with O’Devaney Gardens?

Barta Capital won their High Court judicial review and are now free to sell privately the 50% of the residential units to whomever they so choose, for whatever price they like. As to the remainder of the units, 30% will be purchased by the city council for social housing with some 20% for a very expensive-looking affordable purchase scheme. Every single unit will be sold by the developer with a healthy 15% profit margin or more.

Some more good news for the developer though: Dublin City Council officials have recently stated their willingness to take more units on the site, looking to purchase some 30% of the 50% of the private units for a cost rental scheme. Developer pay day again.

The sheer awfulness of the original and subsequent O’Devaney Garden deals angered and shocked the people of Dublin, who are still at a loss to understand how anyone would think giving public land to private developers for nothing and in return buying off the developer the homes built on the site at overinflated market prices is the best way for Dublin City Council to meet its housing targets.

There are still some of us on Dublin City Council who believe that DCC officials should rescind the terrible deal with Bartra Capital and develop the site itself as this would result in housing being delivered in a more timely and cost efficient fashion. Crucially, though, it is going to need a mass campaign to save this land for public housing.

Map of O'Devaney Gardens
Site of O’Devaney Gardens

Background: In 2019 DCC gave away O’Devaney Gardens without guarantees of affordable housing

On the evening of 4 November 2019, Dublin City Council officials and councillors from a range a political parties (Fianna Fáil, Sinn Fein, Labour, Soc Dems, Greens and some Independents) handed over a hugely valuable piece of public land, owned by the people of Dublin through the local authority, to a private developer.

Independent Left Councillor John Lyons made his opposition to this plan clear after the meeting of Dublin’s councillors.

The vote tonight on the O’Devaney Gardens Public-Private Partnership deal was a red line: the plan to gift the private developer Bartra Capital one of the most valuable sites in Dublin was passed by a majority of Dublin City councillors, meaning life in this city for thousands of individuals, couples and families struggling with sky-rocketing rents, unaffordable house prices, ever-lengthening housing lists, insecure tenancy arrangements and worsening homelessness will become even more of a struggle.
I voted against this proposal as it further entrenches the neoliberal model of housing delivery pushed over the last two decades by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael: gift prime public assets to private capital, receive a paltry return and be grateful.
Is it crazy to believe in the idea that public land should be used to meet the housing needs of the public and not to enrich a wealthy property developer?
Instead, it appears that Fianna Fáil, the SocDems, Greens and Labour would rather have cosy chats with Bartra Capital than campaign for public housing on public land.
Dublin City Council can and must do better: yes, our ability to act independently is restricted by the pro-market, neoliberal, property developer-friendly Fine Gael government at a national level but this only serves to emphasize how important it is that all elected representatives who care about housing in the city oppose the sell-off of public land and link in with local, city-wide and national housing campaigns to apply the pressure and force a change in national housing policy, away from the failed pro-market policy that only favours the rich and powerful towards a more humane housing policy that treats housing as a right and not a commodity.
I will continue to campaign and call for the construction of public and affordable housing in Dublin City. This city belongs to us all not just those with the deepest pockets and the ear of the government. We need to stand up and take back the city from the vultures and speculators and their politician friends.

Councillors had a vote on the proposed section 183 disposal of the land to the developer. Unfortunately, even parties who claim to represent the interests of working class communities allowed this plan to go ahead.

The deal went through with the support of Fianna Fail, SocDems, Greens and Labour. They called for the housing minister’s resignation yet they rubber-stamped and further entrenched Fine Gael’s pro-market model of housing delivery.

List of Dublin City Councillors organised in three columns. Under a text about the motion to approve the tender to redevelop O'Devaney Gardens is a column with a heading '39 FOR' against a green background; a column with '18 AGAINST' against a red background and '1 ABSTAIN' against a grey background. Inside the columns are the names of the councillors.
Dublin City Councillors listed according to whether they voted for or against the tender plan submitted by Bartra Property to redevelop the O’Devaney Gardens site. It shows the Social Democrats, Greens, and Labour joined with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael to approve the sell-off.

Sinn Féin opposed the plan, but had previously flipped and flopped over O’Devaney Gardens over the past three years. Their manoeuvring on 4 November rang hollow. The previous council meeting had an opportunity to develop a truly public cost rental model on the site but SF, along with Labour and Greens, defeated it.

A cartoon with the headline Fine Gael: Public Private Plunder. Underneath, a Leprechaun looking like Eoghan Murphy, Housing Minister, is handing a pot of gold labelled 'O'Devaney Gardens' over to a man in a suit with top hat and bow tie. Behind them, famine figures look on.
O’Devaney Gardens sell off is a victory for Fine Gael’s pro-market support for developers and landlords. Cartoon courtesy of Foxy Slattery.

A bad deal for Dubliners out there struggling on mid-to-low wages and faced with dire homelessness, outrageous rents, unaffordable house prices and lengthening council lists.

Public land should not be used for private gain.

Developer demands €7m: Councillor John Lyons refuses to be bullied

Ahead of the important Dublin City Council vote on Monday 7 October 2019, the head of housing for Dublin City Council, Brendan Kenny briefed the press that the developers, Bartra Capital, had demanded a €7m payment from the council. Kenny threatened that there would be a five-year delay should this not be granted by councillors and released figures that glossed over the extent to which Bartra capital were able to exploit the situation, namely by having 50% of the units for sale on the open market.

John Lyons, Independent Left councillor, made his opposition to this extra give-away clear:

I will not be threatened by the executive of the city council acting on behalf of a private developer, and so will be voting against the plan to hand over the O’Devaney Gardens site to a Bartra Capital.

We have, as Dublin City Councillors, an opportunity next Monday to stand up for the people of Dublin who are despairing at the lack of public and affordable housing in the city.

I will not support a plan that will see a private developer make massive profits from the privatization of public lands, and with such a paltry return for the council terms of social housing, as well as the complete absence of any kind of housing that could be reasonably be described as affordable.

We have a fight on our hands and so we must link up with all the campaign groups and others interested in creating a city that is accessible to all.

O'Devaney Gardens should be used to provide affordable public housing.
O’Devaney Gardens should be used to provide affordable public housing

The vote to privatise the public lands at O’Devaney Gardens had previously been postponed, seemingly so that then Minister for Housing, Eoghan Murphy, could get involved on behalf of Bartra Capital. On 7 October 2019, the Minister for Housing repeated the threat earlier made by a DCC official that if councillors refused to vote to gift a prime piece of public land to a private developer then nothing will happen on that site for at least half a decade.


At the time Councillor John Lyons made the following response to the Minister’s desire to address councillors:

To offer what exactly? I would say not much but a slightly tweaked outrageously bad deal.

So let’s use the next few weeks to build up the pressure on Fine Gael, DCC officials and the councillors currently in favour of this rotten deal.

Both Richard Barrett, the founder of Bartra Capital, and Eoghan Murphy TD shared the idea that it is valid to build co-living apartment blocks. In other words, accommodation that is only a bedroom, with other facilities being shared.

Minister for Housing Eoghan Murphy sitting on the right of RIchard Barrett, founder of Bartra Capital, the main beneficiary of the DCC deal over O'Devaney Gardens
Minister for Housing Eoghan Murphy and RIchard Barrett, founder of Bartra Capital

Infamously, Murphy described such accommodation as like living in ‘a trendy boutique hotel’. Everyone else calls it for what it is: a rat race designed by developers who want to maximise profits.

We should be designing beautiful public environments, like the one in Vienna highlighted here by Councillor John Lyons.

In April 2019 the Irish Sun used a freedom of information request to discover that the founder of Bartra Capital wrote to Eoghan Murphy in 2017 after his becoming Minister for Housing. Richard Barrett intended to avail of the ‘passports for cash’ scheme (officially, the Immigrant Investor Programme) but civil servants replied on behalf of Murphy that the meeting would be premature.

A film made in 2013, ‘Inside Out Outside In, Stories from O’Devaney Gardens’, highlights what has now been lost: a vibrant working class community.

Councillor John Lyons called for resignations over the way DCC was misled over O’Devaney Gardens

Opposition to Dublin City Council’s plan for O’Devaney Gardens rocketed after 18 November 2019 when it emerged that the council voted through a plan two weeks’ earlier (see below) that was reported to the council as a new one, with increased affordable housing by way of new cost rental units, when in fact the Minister, Eoghan Murphy, had not signed off on any changes to the original, rejected plan.

A letter obtained by Sinn Féin under the Freedom of Information act detailed comments from the Minister including statements that refute the promise of social and affordable housing:

In order to repay the required financing, the rental levels would likely have to be set at, or close to, market rates. This would effectively negate the concept of providing affordable homes for rent.

… it seems highly unlikely that the purchase of private units from the developer… can deliver its intended goal of affordable rental.

Independent Left Councillor John Lyons moved a suspension of DCC’s standing orders at the annual budget meeting on 18 November 2019 in an attempt to win a plan for government funding towards a project that guarantees a large allocation of affordable housing for O’Devaney Gardens. Unfortunately, at that time parties such as Labour, Greens and Social Democrats missed the opportunity to recognise that voting for the plan of 4 November was a massive mistake and a betrayal of those on low and middle incomes who elected them.

John Lyons explained his call for resignations by those who had misled the council:

I believe that all councillors from Fianna Fail, the Social Democrats, the Green Party and the Labour Party who voted in favour of gifting the prime public land at O’Devaney Gardens to the private developer Barta Capital should resign, with Fianna Fail Lord Mayor Paul McAuliffe the first to step down.

It turns out, unsurprisingly, that their private “deal” with the developer has no legal basis and did not change the percentage of affordable housing contained within the disastrous deal struck between Dublin City Council and Barta.

During the city council meeting in which the vote took place on November 4th last I posed a question to the law agent: does the new FiannaFail/SocDem/GreenParty/Labour Party “deal” materially change the
contract between DCC and Barta?

The Lord Mayor refused to allow the question to be answered. Why?

Either these councillors knew that their new deal was nothing but a fig leaf to cover up their vote to privatise public land or they were genuine in their belief that their “developer deal” was going to increase the number of affordable homes but were too incompetent to ensure that their deal was legally sound.

Either way, they should resign over this farce.

Filed Under: All Posts, Dublin City Council Housing

Fifty Years After the Birth of the modern Irish Republican Army

02/09/2019 by Conor Kostick 2 Comments

In August 1969 British Army arrived in Northern Ireland and despite being called ‘peacekeepers’, soon began to police the nationalist community.

In Arundhati Roy’s 2011 Walking with the Comrades there is a moment where she recaps the stories of Ajitha and Laxmi, Maoist guerrillas in eastern India. They became fighters after the Salwa Judum, a state-supported militia, attacked their villages.

The Judum came to Korseel, her village, and killed three people by drowning them in a stream. Ajitha … watched them rape six women and shoot a man in this throat.

         Comrade Laxmi, who has a long, thick plait, tells me she watched the Judum burn thirty houses in her village, Jojor. “We had no weapons then,” she says, “we could do nothing but watch.”

         Arundhati Roy is not an advocate of a guerrilla strategy and therefore was torn when she heard about an execution of a leading member of a district council carried out by the Maoists:

         I feel I ought to say something at this point. About the futility of violence, about the unacceptability of summary executions. But what should I suggest they do? Go to court? Do a dharna in Jantar Mantar, New Delhi? A rally? A relay hunger strike? It sounds ridiculous. The promoters of the New Economic Policy­—who find it so easy to say “There Is No Alternative”—should be asked to suggest an alternative Resistance Policy. A specific one, to these specific people, in this specific forest. Here. Now.

Conor Kostick sat beside Arundhati Roy.
Conor Kostick and Arundhati Roy at the Kerela Literature Festival 2019.

         I was reminded of this passage when reading the August 2019 edition of An Phoblacht and its coverage of the fiftieth anniversary of the upsurge of loyalist attacks on catholics in Belfast and the subsequent appearance of the Provisional IRA. Between 14 and 18 August 1969, eight people were shot dead and around 2,000 families, mostly catholic, turned into refugees. An Phoblacht carries the experiences of some of these who suffered the loss of loved ones, not only from the loyalist mobs but also the involvement of the RUC and B Specials in the attacks. Nine-year-old Patrick Rooney, for example, was shot in his bed when armoured cars fired indiscriminately into Divis flats.

         Ann McLarnon talks about hearing an RUC officer call out to loyalist arsonists to, ‘leave the fenian bastards to us,’ shortly before her husband Sammy was shot dead looking out from his window, having just returned from trying to put out a fire in a neighbour’s house.

         Richard McAuley, a former political prisoner, recalled:

Those organising aid for the increasing numbers of refugees in St Teresa’s needed cars and volunteers to go down to the Clonard and lower Falls to help evacuate streets. It was believed more attacks would occur. I couldn’t drive but I had willing hands. I joined up with Joe Savage who had a mini and we went to Waterville Street at the back of Clonard Monastery to take away belongings and children and elderly folks. An hour or so later, a few yards just around the corner in Bombay Street, Fifteen-year-old Gerard McAuley was shot and killed by loyalists. Bombay Street was totally destroyed in a firestorm of petrol bombs.

The defining moment in the birth of the modern IRA was ‘the Battle of St Matthews’ which took place after dark on 27 June 1970 and lasted until about 3am. Although loyalist paramilitaries, without any restraint from the British Army, began an assault on the Short Strand from several directions, they were held up by republican fighters who earned the admiration of many of the residents. And reading about these events of fifty years ago, I was brought back to the similarity of the account in Walking with the Comrades.

Imagine the warm summer night, made hotter by the flames of burning houses. Imagine the sectarian mob at the end of your street, determined to get you out because of the community you belong to, and imagine too the real danger that someone you love is about to be killed. What course of action should you take? Go to court? Sit in protest at the doors of Westminster, London? A rally? A relay hunger strike? It sounds just as ridiculous as when Arundhati Roy posed these alternatives to herself. A different policy is needed in the here and now.

Hopefully, I won’t ever face such a situation, but they have happened often enough in modern history to make it likely they will recur again. An answer has to be given to the question of what should be done. And my answer is that yes, under such circumstances the besieged community should throw up barricades and defend themselves in arms if necessary. Unlike the majority of political parties competing for power in Ireland and in India today, who howl with outrage at any expression of support for the CPI (Maoist) and the IRA, I therefore have sympathy for and a sense of solidarity with, those who took up guns against mobs that had been organised (in both cases) to intimidate and crush those wanting equality and civil rights.

Does that mean I support violence as a political strategy? In short, no. There is an enormous difference between recognising that in a particular moment, for a few hours, a community might find it necessary to battle for survival and advocating that armed struggle is a way forward for that community in the longer term. It clearly isn’t. In the case of Ireland (which I’m more familiar with, but I think the same arguments apply to India and, indeed, elsewhere), although the Battle of St Matthews led to a rapid increase in recruits for the IRA, those who joined that organisation on the basis that it was the right way to bring about change in northern Ireland were making a mistake. Several mistakes in fact.

Firstly, it wasn’t ever going to win. Or even bring about modest reform. The famous German revolutionary socialist, Rosa Luxembourg, once made the point to her more conservative labour colleagues that by choosing the path of reform rather than revolution, they were in fact, turning away even from winning reforms. Why? Because concentrating on parliamentary activity comes at the cost of belittling the types of activity that does get results, namely mass popular protest: strikes, occupations, boycotts, etc. With the advantage of hindsight it is clear that the same argument applies to politics in Northern Ireland. Tremendous energy and sacrifice by nationalists was poured into waging a campaign of armed struggle, yet the local state could not be toppled that way and insofar as concessions to the demands of the civil rights movement were made, they came in response to the broader expressions of popular discontent. There are parallels with the Irish War of Independence (1919 – 1921), where even in that much more favourable situation for an armed campaign against the British Empire, it was popular militancy that undermined Britain’s ability to rule Ireland.

Secondly, and this is related, there is an elitism in the practice of organising armed resistance to a major state that eventually introduces authoritarianism and heirarchy into the relationship between the movement and its base. The pattern of admired fighters for freedom and liberation becoming a new set of rulers is not limited to examples from Ireland. It’s a world-wide pattern and it stems from the necessity of having a tight chain of command in a military organisation as well as from having a political goal that is not explicitly socialist and egalitarian. If someone is going to run the new state after it falls to a successful armed rebellion, then who will the new politicians and officials be? Those who see themselves as having carried the struggle forward on behalf of (rather than in step with) the people hardly ever then give up the power they have obtained.

Thirdly, it was — and still is — a mistake not to have a strategy for change that involves protestant workers. Throughout the existence of the Northern Irish state there have always been protestant workers opposed to loyalism. Often trade unionists, the ability of these workers to stand up to the sectarian thugs in the community around them has ebbed and flowed over time. Often the pattern is shaped by events in the south. The more catholic and conservative the southern state, the more it provides a warning to protestants not to demand any changes that might lead to Northern Ireland leaving the UK.

Right now, there are some favourable circumstances that make it a little easier for non-sectarian protestant workers to push back against loyalism (e.g. the fact that abortion is available in Ireland as is same-sex marriage. Brexit, too, is an opportunity to hammer home the anti-working class agenda of the DUP, making it a shame that People Before Profit can’t make the most of this, because they put themselves in the pro-Brexit camp). But even throughout the worst of the troubles, that anti-sectarian protestant constituency was present. And it was a constituency that was completely neglected by the IRA. Worse, the more that the military campaign veered off from defending communities under threat to bombing campaigns, the more working class opposition from within unionism was silenced.

With a generation having grown up after the cease fire in the north, it’s a lot easier today to appreciate these points than it would have been in 1970. Even so, when I read about the events of fifty years ago and ask myself the same questions that Arundahti Roy asks about the Indian Maoists, I think the answer is clear. Yes, there can be urgent situations where working class communities have to battle with arms in hand to save themselves but no, that can not be then generalised to being a strategy for socialism or even for more limited changes.

Filed Under: All Posts, Irish Political Parties

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