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Oppose A Deer Cull in Ireland

08/05/2023 by admin 3 Comments

On 8 May 2023 a barrage of propaganda was put out by the government’s Deer Management Strategy Group in favour of a major cull of Ireland’s deer population. This highly contrived publicity campaign utilised the results of a survey that the group had carried out to generate their newsworthy content. Yet the survey was deeply flawed and clearly designed by those with an interest in wanting a deer cull to take place.

As the National Animal Rights Association put it, the questions were hugely biased in terms of a cull and venison trade to begin with. “It’s very clear that the government (probably due to lobbying by gun clubs primarily) want this to happen. The percentages listed in the article would indicate that gun clubs and farmers were likely the majority of those who took part in the consultation.”

Laura Broxon of NARA has asked TD Paul Murphy to shed light on the survey and, in particular, find out who was consulted. Because the public, who show enormous respect for Ireland’s deer population would never have expressed an 82% support for a deer cull: a sensational headline taken up by many media outlets out of all proportion to reality. Parliamentary Questions might also be able to expose the fact that those surveyed were not offered a chance to express support for non-lethal deer population control: if that is even needed.

There is, in fact, no data on the numbers of deer population or species. Any serious work in managing the deer population has to begin with obtaining this information. As Laura Broxon put it, “how can a cull be proposed when we have no idea how many deer there are in the first place? And hunters kill tens of thousands annually anyway, so all this makes very little sense.”

No actual research or trials in non-lethal population control have been undertaken in Ireland, even though this has been a success in America.

The Strategy Group’s press release also claimed that culling deer would be positive for biodiversity. This is completely at odds with reality, as the biggest threat to biodiversity is animal agriculture and consequent habitat destruction, water pollution, and GHG emissions.

This – as well as the ethical consideration – is why Independent Left stands for a phasing out of the animal and fish industries.

Another spurious point in the widely reported press release concerned road accidents. Road accidents can be prevented by erecting deer-proof fencing in danger zones, additional road signs and a lower speed limit.

Apart from the obvious animal rights violations, this proposed cull makes no sense, and our belief is that the Deer Management Strategy Group is probably made up of pro-bloodsports stakeholders. The agenda of the government implied by this flurry of propaganda against the deer population is to build a venison industry and also get more money in for shooting licences etc.

Two crucial facts as to why we oppose a deer cull in Ireland:

1. There has never been a survey of deer in Ireland regarding species or population, so we actually have no idea what the numbers are, and of which species.

2. In America, successful neutering and contraceptive programs were done on wild deer. We could easily do that here.

If the government decide to go ahead with a cull, they should be aware that the National Animal Rights Association will be there at every opportunity to intervene and stop this outrageous and blatant slaughter of innocent animals. #BanTheDeerCull

Filed Under: Animal Rights, Independent Left Policies

THE STRANGE REBIRTH OF STALINISM

19/01/2023 by Colm Breathnach 8 Comments

If you were suddenly transported from the aftermath of the fall of ‘communism’ in the early 1990s to 2023, you would be in for a rude shock. Going from a situation where even old-style communist parties accepted that the undemocratic nature of the USSR and its satellites was problematic, you would find hordes of net-warriors quoting Stalin’s works approvingly, defending the worst excesses of the Chinese klepto-capitalist regime and lauding Putin’s lumbering war machine as it slouches across Ukraine, raping, murdering and pillaging as it goes. How has it come to pass that there is nothing too reactionary, too anti-working class, too anti-human, for such so-called ‘leftists’ to justify?  The answer is largely to be found in the bizarre re-emergence of a version of Stalinism amongst western leftists.

The Rebirth of Stalinsim: the man himself, Josef Stalin
The rebirth of Stalinism: one of the world’s worst dictators is experiencing a revival of support

WHAT IS STALINISM?

Traditional Stalinism can be conceived of as a theoretical position, a state ideology and an imaginary. In terms of theory, it posits that socialism is achieved through the agency of a vanguard party, which, on achieving state power through revolution, uses the instrument of a one-party state to build a socialist, and eventually communist society. This is sometimes varied by a belief in ‘stages theory’ whereby, based on the social/political structure existent in a particular territory, it may be necessary to pass through certain stages, usually involving alliances with bourgeois democratic or nationalist forces before there can be a transition to socialism. 

Secondly Stalinism is the ideology of the ruling class in a certain type of authoritarian socio-economic system, be it state capitalism, bureaucratic collectivism, klepto-capitalism, or a mixture of these. In this type of system, the ruling class, be they state bureaucrats, a patrimonial clique or state-adjacent capitalists, cannot maintain their rule purely by monopolisation of violence, so they need to achieve ideological hegemony. In the past the ruling class in ‘socialist’ states wielded some form of Stalinism (termed Marxism-Leninism) to justify and perpetuate their rule. This was often mixed with a strong dose of nationalism, sometimes drifting towards racism, often aimed at national minorities (see the treatment of the Turkish speaking minority in ‘socialist’ Bulgaria etc.). Ideological rhetoric was used to justify their exploitation of the workers and peasants, while also providing a link with left-wing movements world-wide. With the collapse of the ‘socialist states’ in Eastern Europe the role of Stalinism-nationalism as a state ideology is now largely confined to East Asia–China, Vietnam, North Korea and Laos.

But Stalinism is also a contemporary imaginary: a belief in the past existence of ‘socialism’ in the USSR that provides positive lessons for today. For some, China is the more successful version of a supposedly socialist state, a version that has managed to avoid collapse by incorporating and subordinating capitalism, a state-system that is superior to bourgeois democracy. Whether by reference to the Soviet past or to twenty-first century China, some leftists still console themselves by believing in the existence of a socialist reality.

WHAT’S THE PROBLEM WITH THE REBIRTH OF STALINISM?

Some on the left acknowledge the revival of Stalinism but minimise the seriousness of it. Why, they ask, get worked up about what is largely the domain of fringe groups?  Surely, we have much more serious issues to contend with. This response is fundamentally flawed.

The fundamental meaning of socialism, not ideological nit-picking, is at stake. Either socialism means a free society based on workers control of all aspects of their lives or it means authoritarian one-party state ruled by bureaucrats, where anything, including mass-murder and genocide is permissible. Modern Stalinism is a fundamentally anti-working-class ideology: actively supporting and promoting the crushing of working-class struggle across much of the world; cheering on the exploitation and oppression of people because of their ethnicity, sexuality and gender. This perverted form of anti-worker leftism is a real threat, gaining ground amongst the young, and influencing left discourse across organisational and generational boundaries.

THE CHARACTERISTICS OF NEO-STALINISM While the Stalinist revival has some ‘on the ground’ manifestations, in the form of the renewal or emergence of new Stalinist youth organisations and some influence on left-reformist organisations, its most visible form is virtual – in a galaxy of websites and online discussion forums, many of which are not tied to any particular organisation – The Grayzone, that dictator fan-boy’s favourite, being a prime example. This is what makes it attractive for naïve young people whose first experience of the ‘left’ is interaction with these online spaces. Increasingly for many young (and some not so young) leftists, the internet and social media are the main terrain of struggle, rendering them isolated from the day-to-day struggles of working-class people and more vulnerable to the macho cod-leftism of the Red Guards of virtual reality. It’s almost like a game, though not entirely virtual. This kind of politics is more akin to cosplay: even the actual physical activities are performative and often without consequence: massing together; wearing red scarves and waving mini-red flags on demos; etc.

Cosplay as Performance The Rebirth of Stalinism
The Rebrith of Stalinism: Cosplay as Performance

This primarily virtual world has its influencers, ‘maverick’ politicians and personalities such as George Galloway in the UK, MEPs Clare Daly and Mick Wallace in Ireland, or YouTube personalities such as the American Jimmy Dore. Their ‘celebrity’ status and penchant for the stunts and provocative outbursts, are well-suited to the social media spaces that many on the left inhabit. They also act as a gateway for conspiracist thinking which is also infecting parts of the left and channelling young leftists towards far-right views on immigration, vaccines etc.

The term neo-Stalinism might be more appropriate to use as, after the demise of the USSR, many orthodox communist parties toned down their explicit Stalinism, accepting that there had been problems with the ‘communist’ states, though still clinging to the view that these represented ‘actual existing socialism’. Many of these parties shrank to a cohort of old-timers; their politics largely confined to trade union activity and the anti-war movement, almost indistinguishable from mainstream left-reformism and sometimes even further to the right (as in the unprincipled alliance of Communist Party of Britain activists with Blairites in the university lecturers’ union, UCU). Some of these parties have experienced a renewal, with an influx of members into their youth sections but this has sometimes led to resentment or even splits, as the old-timers find the provocative uber-revolutionary posturing of the youngsters jarring to their staid left-reformist practice (not to mention a threat to the property assets that the old guard have garnered over the decades and which they are resolved will never be yielded to anyone else, regardless of party democracy). In the Communist Party of Ireland this has led to a full-scale split with its youth section, the Connolly Youth Movement.

State funding from countries like China and Russia is also a factor in the life-support system of some western Communist Parties. There are plenty of international conferences, journals and opportunities for paid appearances on channels like Russia TV for the right people.

In addition to this, neo-Stalinism is attractive to a cohort of trade union full-timers, who on the one hand are under pressure to oppose austerity, anti-trade union laws, right-wing government policies etc. but on the other hand are hostile to genuinely radical upsurge from below which would threaten their hold on the unions.  This leads to the bizarre situation of ‘left’ trade union officials supporting anti-worker regimes that ban independent trade unions and strikes and imprison labour activists.  Some even go further in supporting the most reactionary forces imaginable.

Neo-Stalinism is a broad church with many variations but there are some fundamentals that unite them:

Democracy: They see bourgeois democracy as inferior to past and current authoritarian regimes. Free and fair elections; basic social and political rights; the ability for the working class to organise; etc. are of no importance. ‘Liberalism’ by which they mean bourgeois democracy, is the main enemy. But it’s not that they posit radical or participatory democracy of a future socialism as being superior to bourgeois democracy, it’s that they see the non-democracy of ‘communism’ and authoritarianism as being the ideal.

My enemy’s enemy: For the neo-Stalinist, any regime or movement which is ‘anti-western’ is deserving of support or at least worthy of defending against ‘liberal’ accusations. For them the world is viewed in a geo-political manner–there are two camps, the West, and the Rest; and we always support the Rest. There is no other possibility–either you are anti-imperialist, or you are pro-imperialist.  This has taken a more specific form recently with the rise to power of Xi Jinping in China, with his veneer of occasional leftist sounding rhetoric–now China has become for many, the USSR of the 21st century–they have a new Rome to look to. This outlook entirely ignores the agency of exploited classes and oppressed peoples–it sees the world only in terms of super-power conflict–therefore demonstrating Iranian women; Ukrainian resistance fighters; striking workers in China, can only be conceived of as pawns of American imperialism.

Anti-woke:  Much of the neo-Stalinist left displays hostility to struggles against oppression–sometimes characterised by homophobia, misogyny, and especially, transphobia. This is partly based on old-fashioned economism, where struggles which are not seen as class-based are characterised as ‘identity politics’, but it also arises from raw prejudices, fear of difference, the desire to appear macho etc. In parallel with the aIt-right, it seems to be primarily younger males who are attracted to neo-Stalinism and this ‘anti-wokeness’ plays an important role in that attraction. Left ‘anti-wokeness’ promotes and feeds off a reactionary agenda, infecting parts of the left. This leads to the sort of bizarre situation where members of the Communist Party of Britain demonstrate alongside Tories outside the Scottish Parliament against the passing of the Gender Recognition law; or the ‘leftist’ academic, Angela Nagle, laughs along with the far-right Tucker Carlson on his shit-stirring Fox News show.

WHY IS NEO-STALINISM ATTRACTIVE TO YOUNG PEOPLE?

 So, what is it about neo-Stalinism that makes it attractive to young leftists?

  1. Like its ‘alt-right’ cousin, neo-Stalinism is a way of rebelling, of shocking the oldies.  It has the advantage of getting up the noses of just about everyone, from other radical leftists to liberals and conservatives.  It’s the sort of punk-rock of the left, with a new vocabulary of memes, symbols and in-group jokes etc. generating an outraged reaction, as desired. The extreme way in which neo-Stalinists express their views fits with a sort of Millwallesque sense of belonging. A classic example of this was the ‘protest’ involving two members of Workers Party Youth (Ireland) outside the Ukrainian embassy in Dublin against the arrest of two members of a Stalinist organisation in Ukraine. Such activities don’t even have a propaganda purpose in terms of winning others to their cause, it is purely for internal consumption–look at us, everyone else supports the Ukrainians but we are not afraid to take a really unpopular position–well-hard!
  2. This, of course, could only emerge in a social media world which is ideally suited for and shapes this type of activity and mentality–online culture reinforces the small-group subcultures of neo-Stalinism. The traditional viscousness of Stalinist politics, with its witch-hunting, name-calling, denunciations, is ideally suited for modern social media forums where a quick take-down, not depth of analysis, is the required skill.
  3. It might be an exaggeration to claim that reading has gone out of fashion, but for some young leftists their ideas are more likely to be influenced by what they watch on YouTube rather than what they read. This can often mean that, while very well versed in ‘facts’, they are woefully lacking in knowledge of theoretical and historical depth.
  4. Many, though not all, young leftists who are attracted to neo-Stalinism are students or come from a middle-class background. This in itself, of course, is not a fault or flaw but for some of them, there’s a certain frisson that goes with engagement with a “dangerous” ideology and practice. In addition, it feeds a desire to appear tough, a trait which is linked to a stereotypical image of being working class. This reaches ever more absurd manifestations, epitomised by a specialist niche of warmed-over Maoism. There are, no doubt, lurking somewhere out there, newly minted fans of the Khmer Rouge!
Pol Pot and the Rebirth of Stalinism
Pol Pot: Coming soon to a Discord channel near you

WHY DO THE TROTKYSIST LEFT TURN A BLIND EYE TO THE REBIRTH OF STALINISM?

So why have so many on the left not only failed to recognise the dangers of resurgent Stalinism, but sometimes actively avoid criticism of the trend?

Ironically, given the historical resonance, one of the reasons for this reluctance to confront neo-Stalinism, is the change that has occurred in a large part of the Trotskyist left. Traditionally these groups strongly opposed Stalinism in the trade unions, in solidarity campaigns etc.  However, with the end of the Cold War, and the demise of many of the orthodox communist parties, and the evolution of many Trotskyist organisations to a post-Trotskyist position, they have turned their attention away from critiques of Stalinism and in some cases, such as the UK based Counterfire, they have adopted some positions very close to neo-Stalinism (campism, anti-woke etc.), as well as being happy to cooperate with those neo-Stalinists in campaigns such as the UK Stop The War campaign. Some more traditionalist Trotskyist groupings have also adopted some positions that are very close to those of the neo-Stalinists, especially in relation to the Russian imperialist invasion of Ukraine.

However, this ‘soft on Stalinism’ problem is not just confined to those individuals and organisations which come from the Trotskyist tradition, it has infected a much broader range of leftists. This is epitomised by the view that the ‘communist’ states were in some way socialist, though usually with acknowledgement that they were flawed: ‘the Stasi were awful, but the childcare was great etc.’ or a romantic view of the activities of the popular front era Communist Parties. This trend is marked in the Democratic Socialists of America, where a strange mixture of popular front nostalgia and neo-Kautskyism has led a whole section of left-reformists to develop a distinct softness on Stalinism, a softness that has had unfortunate practical effects such as the ‘campist’ position of the DSA international committee.

Unfortunately, even for those leftists who do not share that benign view of Stalinism, actively opposing neo-Stalinist positions or organisations is often viewed as sectarian and divisive.  The old cliché, ‘we should concentrate on the 90% of things we agree on, not the 10% of things we disagree on‘ is frequently wheeled out to justify this position. This reduces the struggle against Stalinism to a disagreement with comrades over details. It is premised on the view that Stalinism is just another tendency in the socialist family rather than an ideology and movement which is fundamentally opposed to the basic principles of socialism. If the 10% includes justification for mass murder, one party states, transphobia etc., then it is in clear opposition to the most fundamental principles of socialism.

The other issue is a sort of reductionism which has always been a problem on the left. Anti-Stalinists will be told that most ‘ordinary people’ don’t care about these nuances, this is peripheral to their everyday concerns. This is the same argument that was used in the past to deny the importance of women’s liberation, or the LGBT struggle, as fundamental to the socialist project; or the type of argument that could equally be deployed to oppose involvement with international solidarity campaigns. The fact is that ideological and practical struggles are not a zero-sum game, that all struggles against oppression and exploitation are important. Of course, at different times and in different places, one issue or another may take precedence, but these are questions of practical organisation. For example, raising opposition to Stalinism because an older member of your community organisation is a CP member is not really sensible; but opposing campism in the anti-war movement is a vital matter of principle.

HOW TO RESPOND TO THE REBIRTH OF STALINISM?

Stalinism is a virus that is spreading, infecting younger leftists, and turning many onto a reactionary road despite the positive ideals that they started with. Radical socialists must confront head-on this rotten ideology and practice. Though by no means exhaustive, here are some possible actions:


1. Explicit anti-Stalinist education should be encouraged in all non-Stalinist left organisations, including a clear Marxist analysis of Stalinism as a theory, a crash-course in the monstrous crimes of Stalinism in practice, and a detailed study of the exploitative and oppressive nature of ‘actually existing Stalinism’ in China.  This could be easily facilitated by the numerous Marxist studies of all these phenomena.

2. Rather than side-stepping key issues in the interests of ‘left-unity’, socialists should openly confront anti-trans, pro-dictatorship, pro-mass-murder views on the left, driving a wedge between neo-Stalinists and those who are superficially attracted to some of their rhetoric, and forcing non-Stalinists who tolerate and work with Stalinists off the fence.

3. While hardened Stalinists should be unceasingly fought and confronted, there are many, especially younger comrades, who may be superficially attracted, for reasons already enumerated. Their drift can sometimes be halted by careful persuasion based on accurate information that is contrary to the propaganda they have previously engaged with. Such persuasion is far more likely to succeed if those doing the persuading have a record of activism in struggles against exploitation and oppression, be it through political organisations, trade unions or campaigning groups.

Above all there is a need to carve out spaces where this struggle against Stalinism can be sustained: in democratically structured, revolutionary socialist organisations and non-dogmatic spaces of discussion. An alternative, truly revolutionary and democratic politics is the best way to win people over from the strange cul-de-sac of the Stalinist revival.

Filed Under: Independent Left Policies

Independent Left Policy on Animal Rights

24/08/2022 by admin 7 Comments

Independent Left policy on Animal rights
Inspired by the National Animal Rights Association, Independent Left has adopted the following policies on animal rights.

This animal rights policy is very much inspired by the goals of the National Animal Rights Association.

  • We believe that animals intrinsically have rights by virtue of being sentient but that they are just not recognised socially or legally yet.

    We fight for changes both in social consciousness and the law.
  • We encourage members to move to a vegan diet and not to use animal-derived products. Apart from the murder and extreme suffering involved, nothing that comes from an animal is ours to take. To do so would be a rights violation in itself and undermine campaigning for animal rights.
  • Animals are not ours to wear. As well as it being totally unnecessary, humans have no right whatsoever to wear fur, leather, wool or silk. All of these ‘materials’ were once part of a living creature, who did not volunteer themselves to become another product.
  • Animals are not ours to use for entertainment or profit. Animal circuses, greyhound racing, horse racing, zoos and aquariums are all animal-using and abusing industries that take advantage of animals’ vulnerability – merely to satisfy a perverse need to see, and make money out of, another species being degraded and exploited.
  • No form of animal testing is acceptable, whether it be for cosmetic or medical research purposes. Testing on animals does nothing to further medical progress for humans – and even if it did, it wouldn’t make it morally right or acceptable to use animals in this way.
  • We also recognise rights for invertebrates (e.g. crustaceans and insects). They too are living beings who deserve a life free of exploitation and suffering.

For an analysis of how farming has to change to save the planet, see the link. If you agree with this policy and with our belief that socialism and respect for the rights of non-human people go hand in hand then please consider joining Independent Left.

Filed Under: All Posts, Animal Rights, Independent Left Policies

Irish Socialists and Anarchists Show Solidarity with Ukraine

24/08/2022 by admin 3 Comments

Solidarity with Ukraine: Irish socialists and anarchists show solidarity on 24 August 2022
Leaflet given out by Irish Left With Ukraine on 24 August 2022 to show solidarity at a march to mark six months of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
Ukrainian translation Solidarity with Ukraine: Irish socialists and anarchists show solidarity on 24 August 2022
Ukrainian translation of Irish Left With Ukraine solidarity leaflet

Irish socialists, anarchists and trade unionists have come together to form Irish Left With Ukraine and show solidarity with the resistance.

On 24 August 2022 members of the displaced Ukrainian community in Ireland held a march to mark six months since Russia invaded Ukraine. Independent Left members joined with other socialists, anarchists and trade unionists to give out a leaflet in the name of a new group: Irish Left With Ukraine. We were there to show solidarity with the Ukrainian resistance and, in particular, with Ukrainian workers.

One of the major weaknesses of the ‘evasionist’ left and ‘campist’ left is that they treat all Ukrainians as supporters of Zelensky, or, worse, fascists. But Ukraine has a vibrant and strong trade union left, a socialist movement, a feminist movement, LGBTQ+ activists, disability activists, etc. These are our comrades. They are fighting for survival AND for a socialist Ukraine.

Independent Left are proud to stand in solidarity with our Ukrainian comrades, both in Ireland and elsewhere. It is extremely encouraging that those on the left in Ireland who support the Ukrainian resistance have come together to develop this solidarity between the Irish Left and the Ukrainian left and materially assist their struggle.

The Irish Left With Ukraine group are working with Ukrainian socialists and have enormous respect for the difficulty of their activity.

The basic principles of the group are:

◦ Russian Troops Out of Ukraine Now

◦ Refugees Welcome Here

◦ Self-Determination for the Ukrainian People

Neither Moscow nor Washington is a strapline for the group.

ULWU supports the European Network for Solidarity With Ukraine: https://ukraine-solidarity.eu/

Independent Left members as part of Irish Left With Ukraine gave out leaflets at the march for Ukraine on 24 August 2022
Independent Left members along with several other Irish Left With Ukraine members leafleting the Dublin march on 24 August 2022.

Dublin Councilor John Lyons gave a speech at the march, emphasising our support for the resistance in Ukraine and the existence of a new, united left campaign.

See also here for the Tomás Ó Flatharta blog’s report on the ILWU activity on the day.

Filed Under: Independent Left Policies

How Farming Must Change to Save the Planet

12/08/2022 by Conor Kostick 15 Comments

How Farming Must Change to Save the Planet Animal rights Eco Socialism

Agriculture has to change if we are to save the planet. The depth and scale of that change is enormous, far beyond that being proposed in any current agriculture transition plan. Sustainable farming that does not contribute to global warming, nor the mass extinction of species, let alone that treats other animals with the respect their sentience deserves, means adopting an approach that is completely opposed to market-driven agriculture. Not only that, at an even more fundamental level the change in farming practices needed to save the planet must overturn beliefs shaped by seven thousand years of agriculture.

Back in 1972, the anthropologist-turned-systems-theorist Gregory Bateson wrote that humanity was heading for catastrophe because our methods of production were constantly accelerating without any means of self-regulation. Unlike steam engines, which are designed with governors to release pressure before a runaway explosion takes place, modern agriculture has no failsafe.

Among his many prophetic statements, Bateson argued that if humans see themselves as outsiders, acting on the environment rather than sharing it with other minds (e.g. animals), we would be heading for certain extinction:

As you arrogate all mind to yourself, you will see the world around you as mindless and therefore not entitled to moral or ethical consideration. The environment will seem to be yours to exploit. Your survival unit will be you and your folks or conspecifics against the environment of other social units, other races and the brutes and vegetables.

If this is your estimate of your relation to nature and you have an advanced technology, your likelihood of survival will be that of a snowball in hell. You will die either of the toxic by-products of your own hate, or, simply, of over-population and overgrazing. The raw materials of the world are finite.

If I am right, the whole of our thinking about what we are and what other people are has got to be restructured. This is not funny, and I do not know how long we have to do it in. If we continue to operate on the premises that were fashionable in the pre-cybernetic era, and which were especially underlined and strengthened during the Industrial Revolution, which seemed to validate the Darwinian unit of survival, we may have twenty or thirty years before the logical reductio ad absurdum of our old positions destroys us. Nobody knows how long we have, under the present system, before some disaster strikes us, more serious than the destruction of any group of nations.

Gregory Bateson, Steps to An Ecology of Mind.

The Evidence that Farming has to Change

Modern agricultural business practices are calamitous and their consequences might have already brought us beyond the point of no return. They are a major contributor to facts like: the sea contains six times more plastic by mass than plankton; the global market for food has been concentrated to the point that 40% of the world’s people are dependent on food from other nations; crops have lost 75% of their genetic diversity since 1909, leading to devastating global outbreaks of plant diseases; just four companies control 90% of the world’s grain trade; in 2021, 41 million hectares of land were given over to producing food to be burned as biofuel; four billion people suffer water shortages for at least a month a year; desertification affects a third of the world’s population; and rainwater across the whole planet is now unsafe to drink.[1]

While Bateson’s prediction was based on a simple but powerful generalisation about systems without inbuilt mechanisms of self-correction, he did not provide specifics other than a case study of the insecticide DDT. DDT was discovered in 1939, leading to a massive commitment by industry to its production and thus its continued use long after the harmful consequences of using it were identified. It is easier to understand the particular farming practices that have driven us into an age of mass extinction from the standpoint of 2022 than it was in 1972 and these are identified and explained with great lucidity by George Monbiot in his 2022 book Regenesis.

Overall, the main problem with intense capitalist agriculture is that it has created a global monoculture in terms of diet and farming practice. Crop production has concentrated in certain regions: four countries harvest 76% of the maize exported to other countries. Five countries sell 77% of the world’s rice; five countries supply 65% of the wheat; three 86% of the world’s soyabeans.[2] Instead of a world where a great deal of self-sufficiency exists, we live in one highly dependent on international trade. And this means that vulnerability to shocks has increased.

Furthermore, as food culture converges on certain diets, so farming practices converge on the same methods, with the same seeds, equipment and chemicals. The suppliers of these universal means of farming have evolved to be immensely powerful multinationals with commensurate political power. Four companies control 90% of the world grain trade, a different four control 66% of agricultural chemicals, and three of these plus LimaGrain own 53% of the seed market. Three companies sell nearly half the world’s farm machinery. Four companies control 99% of the chicken-breeding market. Four firms run 75% of the world’s abattoirs. And so on for all livestock processing.[3]

It’s well known that wealth is concentrated into a few hands. The three wealthiest men in 2022 had $26.3bn, more than that of the poorest 222.4 million people combined.[4] What is less well appreciated is how handfuls of humans, members of the boards of these agricultural mega-businesses, control food production. Most have never even set foot on a farm.

And the farming landscape has been utterly transformed. If you ever pick up a child’s book with farm animals – the friendly pig, the happy cow, the rabbits and birds – the pictures are of fantasy realms that don’t exist. The last place you would want to take that child is to a modern farm: whether to acres of bleak fields with a lone tractor in the distance or to sheds with animals in stalls packed close together, feeding on soya products and waiting to be killed.

The issue of animal feed is crucial. While the planet is producing more calories of food than ever before (for now), humans are receiving less of it. The world’s livestock population is rising at about twice the increase in the human population. In the last 50 years the number of cattle has increased 15%, pigs 100% and chickens 500%.[5] These animals are consuming crops, mainly soya, and this rate of growth is unsustainable even if plant production continues to increase at current rates.

Moreover, we are likely to hit a ceiling in crop production, due to diminishing effectiveness of pesticides and fertilizer as well as global warming. Monbiot points out that when temperatures relative to moisture (called the wet-bulb temperature) reach a certain point, humans can’t function. We die of heat stress at a wet-bulb temperature of 35 degrees. This kind of temperature is being registered more and more, meaning that in regions like the Persian Gulf, India, Pakistan and the Gulf of Mexico, outdoor daytime work has to come to a halt.

As the planet heats up, dramatic weather events occur with greater frequency, with cyclones, hurricanes, droughts and floods disrupting the globalised food chain and market speculation then amplifying the difficulties.

Another ceiling which we have bumped up against is that many countries rely on meltwater from glaciers to feed the rivers that irrigate their lands. These glaciers are rapidly disappearing or, as with the Gourgs Blancs in the Pyrenees, have already melted, never to return.

Glacier melt  Gourgs Blancs glacier 1910 above a picture taken 6 August 2022 Farming Must Change to Save the Planet
 Melt water from glaciers is drying up: Gourgs Blancs glacier 1910 above a picture taken 6 August 2022.

Agriculture Must Change to Save the World

Other dynamics at play which illustrate that Bateson’s predictions have come true include the rapid decrease in the effectiveness of antibiotics due to their overuse on farms (75% of antibiotics sold in the US and Europe go to farm animals); the extinction of life in fresh-water rivers due to slurry being washed into them from fields; Insectaggon (the collapse of insect life); and vast dead zones on the sea where oxygen has fallen below levels necessary for sea life. Probably this is due to oxygen being drawn out of the water by algae that has spread uncontrollably with all the fertilizer that is washed into the sea. Such algae stretches around a quarter of the planet.[6]

George Monbiot has a proposal for how farming must change to save the planet: we need to transition to the mass production of flour via microbial fermentation: protein from bacteria. This new technology, he says, represents ‘the beginning of the end of most agriculture.’ The reason for such a dramatic statement is that protein produced by growing bacteria requires only a tiny fraction of the land needed to make it by growing soya. Every 1,700 hectares of soya could be replaced by 1 hectare of fermenting bacteria. In theory, our needs could be met without farms, allowing huge tracts of land on the planet to be rewilded. Widespread adoption of bacteria-farming technology has the potential to provide the new chicken. Only, instead of 66 billion animals being killed a year (after a life of suffering), the basic staple protein block could be fermented from bacteria with no animal being constrained or harmed.

This welcome news, argues Monbiot, adopted as it becomes increasingly cost effective, will flip the way we farm, much as the advent of the pill changed western culture.

The pill accelerated the liberation of women. It intensified impatience with the status quo, hastening a transition that was already beginning to happen. It helped to drive a virtuous spiral of social change, making what was scarcely imaginable quickly seem inevitable.

As meat is challenged by plant proteins, then plant proteins are challenged by microbial proteins, and as farmfree products become cheaper, better and healthier than the food with which they compete, the existence of good alternatives will sharpen our growing disquiet with the treatment of livestock, the destruction of our life-support systems, and the pandemics caused by animal farming.

George Monbiot, Regenesis

It would be wonderful if this vision could be realised. And perhaps it will be. But to me it reads like wishful thinking. Monbiot is well aware that the agricultural mega-companies are powerful political opponents. As he points out, faced with the rise of non-meat products, legislators have been lobbied to ban terms like burger and sausage for foods that aren’t made from animals. Even the packaging styles of traditional foods have been protected. Just like with technologies that have threatened the car industry, the established interests – that is, the boards of the major food companies – will act strategically to continue to expand their organisations as effectively as they can, whether by using political influence or by taking over rival technologies in order to snuff them out.

Also, impressive as the potential savings in land use are by this technology, we don’t need it to avert the extinction catastrophe we are currently faced with. Simply addressing the shocking waste of land that arises from including meat in the human diet would be enough.

It is sometimes claimed that vegans are to blame for the destruction of the Amazon and biodiversity, because of all the soy grown in the deforested Amazon. But the reality is that a mere 4% of the soy grown globally is fed to humans. The vast majority of the soy grown globally is fed to factory farmed animals. The conversion rates from the feed grown specifically for nonhumans to produce meat and dairy to feed humans is pathetically low.

Chickens have the highest conversion ratios with 4.5 kilos of feed to produce edible kilo. For pigs it’s 9.4 kilos of feed edible kilo and for beef it is a lousy 25 kilos of feed per kilo of meat. But perhaps an even better measure is the energy captured by the plants and the protein they make that ends up on our plates that we could have otherwise captured with human edible plants. By that measure chickens still have the highest conversion with 11% of the calories and 20% of the protein in the feed ending up in the meat. Pigs aren’t far behind at 10% for calories and 15% of protein. But cattle are just awful at 1% of the calories and 4% of the protein in the animals feed ending up in the edible portion of the animal.

https://awfw.org/feed-ratios/

All told two-thirds of all of the energy in the plants humans harvest are used to feed animals, yet those animals only contribute 13% of the total food calories that people eat.

So Monbiot is right that ending the reliance on animal agriculture will allow for huge percentages of the ice-free land on the Earth to be rewilded, and allow biodiversity to thrive and avert the extinction catastrophe we’re currently faced with. But there’s no need to go developing any new technologies to do this. A wholefood plant-based diet takes up a fraction of the land, uses a fraction of the water, and is healthier for the environment, and better for human health.

Perhaps Monbiot’s enthusiasm for the bacteria fermentation technology is not so much based on the additional land it could free for rewilding as the hope that it might become prevalent without any other revolution being required, other than that which sometimes takes place within culture thanks to the dynamics of the global market. But I don’t believe that any new technology will come to save humanity and the millions of species we are exterminating unless we ourselves take control of production and quite deliberately and defiantly take that control away from the elites dominating agriculture.

This should not be read as an attack on farmers: they are caught up in a system that is making it increasingly difficult for small farmers especially to make a living. Farmers can be rescued from ruin and incentivised to help restore the land with the right societal changes and a just transition.

Which brings me to Marxism.

Does Marxism Show How Farming Must Change to Save the Planet?

If we are talking of class conflict, of us, the great majority, taking control of farming from them, the boards of the mega-corporations, then surely Marxism shows how to do this? For of all the alternative philosophies to market capitalism, Marxism appears to be the most radical. Yet even if we rescue the spirit of Marx’s writings from the actual experience of Communism by claiming that Stalin, Mao, et. al. crushed genuine revolutionaries to implement policies that were state capitalist, a problem remains.

Marx, like all of us, was a product of his time and place. In the way that he frames the argument against capitalism are assumptions that are very much derived from a post-Enlightenment tradition of Western philosophy. Marx saw the rise of international capitalism as calling forth extraordinary powers from the ground, but because of the fundamental flaws of the economic system, it would take revolution and working class power, followed by the abolition of all classes, to harness those powers so that humanity can realise its true potential.

Sounds good? Well, yes, except that the whole notion of the human mind as outside of nature and acting upon it is – as Bateson understood – liable to lead to humans seeing everything else around us as mindless and not deserving of ethical consideration.

In Capital I.8 while explaining how only labour adds value to a commodity, Marx wrote: ‘The coal burnt under the boiler vanishes without leaving a trace, so, too, the tallow with which the axles of wheels are greased.’ We live in times where the traces of burned coal are all too evident. As Timothy Morton observes about Marx, he was anthropocentric: the way to obtain knowledge of the world is from the standpoint of human activity, specifically economic activity. This anthropocentrism, argues Morton, is a bug in Marx which should be acknowledged and addressed rather than defended as if Capital were a sacred text.[8]

The brand of Eco-Socialism I’m familiar with in Ireland is explicitly Marxist (of the kind that says Marx was already on the case and anticipated both the environmental crisis and how to solve it). While supporting a transition from beef and dairy farming, these Eco-Socialists do not see animals as beings towards whom we should feel solidarity and with whom we should share the planet. In this they are accurately following the nineteenth century advocate of revolution, albeit at the cost of having genuinely revolutionary solutions for how to change agriculture to save the planet.

Marx wrote a famous passage in which his belief in the mindlessness of spiders and bees was clear:

A spider conducts operations that resemble those of a weaver, and a bee puts to shame many an architect in the construction of her cells. But what distinguishes the worst architect from the best of bees is this, that the architect raises his structure in imagination before he erects it in reality.

Karl Marx, Capital I.7.

This statement is an almost exact rephrasing of the idea of Descartes, that the difference between men [sic] and beasts is that the latter are like machines, acting without thought purely from the disposition of their organs. And it is an idea that is quite wrong, not only scientifically and morally, but also from the standpoint of bringing about revolution.

It’s increasingly evident that insects like spiders and bees are sentient. A recent paper found REM-like activity in the sleep patterns of spiders, while bees are, ‘clever, sentient, and unique beings.’ It’s even possible that the massive networks of certain types of fungi that spread out over acres of forestland and manage the chemistry of the trees above them have sentience.[9]

Once you accept that animals have sentience (even if you don’t accept the evidence for sentience in insects), then how can their mistreatment be justified? Necessarily, by having some kind of hierarchy of sentience with humans at the top. Rather like the origins of modern racism, which evolved to justify slavery by arguing black people were not fully human and therefore had no claim to equality with whites, those who stand over the farming of animals have to make an argument along the lines that, ‘well, yes, cattle, pigs and sheep are sentient, but they are at a lower level than humans. And you never see them on picket lines, so let’s change the human world first and then society will be more humane to animals.’

I’ll address the second part of that argument in the conclusion of this feature, but with regard to some kind of pyramid of sentience, it’s pure story telling. No one knows what it is like to be a fly. Perhaps Blake was right:

Seest thou the little winged fly, smaller than a grain of sand?

It has a heart like thee; a brain open to heaven & hell,

Withinside wondrous & expansive; its gates are not clos’d,

I hope thine are not: hence it clothes itself in rich array;

Hence thou art cloth’d with human beauty O thou mortal man.

William Blake, Milton I 20/22:27–30.

If you try to get humans to come out on top by organising the pyramid of sentience based on the extent to which an animal has neurons and connections in the brain, you have a problem, because humans are not at the top: the African elephant has three times the brain weight and number of neurons as a human.[10] You also have a problem arising from the following thought experiment. If aliens arrive on Earth with demonstrably greater brain matter than humans, does that give them the right to enslave and farm us for food? No? Then at what level of sentience do you lose that right? That’s a very difficult line to draw, especially when (as research into the social impact of Artificial Intelligence shows) we don’t have a successful model of what a mind is, even a human one. What we do know is that the part of the brain that is concerned with consciousness is about half a billion years old and shared with most vertebrates.[11]

How would we know, for instance, that cattle are the wrong side of a threshold for the exploitation of other sentient beings? The film Cow is extremely moving in this regard, because it is touching how the cattle in the film rejoice at being let out into fields. They skip and leap and dash away from the sheds in which they are usually constrained and later are clearly at peace, facing a deep red sunset.

There are no ethical grounds for our farming of animals and a truly revolutionary demand has to be to stop it altogether and treat all sentient life as non-human people. If humans have inherent rights – not rights given on the basis of passing some kind of test but rights that are intrinsic to being a human – then so do animals. As long-time animal rights advocate Tom Regan puts it:

Other animals have a life of their own that is of importance to them apart from their utility to us. They are not only in the world, they are aware of it, and also of what happens to them. And what happens to them matters to them. Each has a life that fares experientially better or worse for the one whose life it is. Like us they bring a unified psychological presence to the world. Like us they are somebodies, not some things. In these fundamental ways the non-human animals in labs and on farms for example are the same as human beings and so it is that the ethics of our dealings with them and with one another must rest on some of the same fundamental moral principals.

Adopting this approach also has revolutionary consequences that are more profound than those of the Marxist Eco-Socialists who would save the Earth… for humans. Once we lose a sense of companionship with animals and instead see ourselves as farmers with a mission to maximise the use of the land for the greatest possible outputs we can achieve, we are on the start of a journey of extinction for the reason that Bateson gives. Our goal should not be a revolution that leads to more efficient exploitation of the land than capitalism can achieve, but a radical rearrangement of our relationship to the land and to the other non-human beings of the planet.

It is perhaps because of the harmful consequences of an anthropocentric approach to the environment that for thousands of years early human societies moved back and forth and sideways in their farming practices. As Wengrow and Graeber have shown, the ‘severing’ (to use a term from Morton which is entirely compatible with their approach) was not a short, sharp moment in pre-history. It was not V. Gordon Childe’s agricultural revolution but a much more drawn out affair where we only settled into our disastrous exploitative relationship to animals and crops after considerable experimentation and social upheavals in which proto-rulers were often held in check or overthrown.[12]

The eventual predominance of settled farming also brought with it the development of rigid hierarchies and large-scale warfare. And these wars were possible, not only because the materials existed to make weapons as well as the social structures to coerce bodies of warriors to march against each other. But also because treating other beings as food to be farmed (as opposed to being killed out of necessity, with reverence and sacrifice to the gods for the crime) crosses a fundamental moral chasm that allows for the enslavement and murder of humans.

It has long been established that those who would harm animals would also find harming humans acceptable. In 1997, for example, a study sponsored by Northeastern University and the Massachusetts Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals found that those who abused animals were five times as likely to harm other humans. Or to put it the other way around, if you wouldn’t hurt a fly, you certainly wouldn’t mutilate and execute a human being as we see happening in some appalling videos of Russian soldiers and their Ukrainian captives.

It is in this sense that an approach to changing farming practices based on treating non-humans as people is more revolutionary than demanding workers’ control over the farming industry. Of course, bring on the day when workers take over the means of production. But that day will be hastened and have the kind of transformative power that might yet save our species if the workers’ movement is inspired as much by a sense of solidarity with non-human beings as with each other.


[1] https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0025326X0100114X; George Monbiot, Regenesis (Dublin, 2022), pp. 34 – 5, 41, 47, 53; https://www.independent.co.uk/climate-change/news/rainwater-cause-cancer-forever-chemicals-pfas-b2137020.html.

[2] Regenesis, p. 33.

[3] Regenesis, pp. 35 – 6.

[4] https://www.oxfamireland.org/blog/inequality.

[5] Regenesis, p. 41.

[6] Regenesis, p. 71.

[7] https://awfw.org/feed-ratios/

[8] Timothy Morton, Humankind: Solidarity with Non-Human People.

[9] https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/spiders-seem-to-have-rem-like-sleep-and-may-even-dream1/; https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2022/jul/16/bees-are-really-highly-intelligent-the-insect-iq-tests-causing-a-buzz-among-scientists; Rupert Sheldrake, Entangled Life.

[10] https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4053853/.

[11] Mark Solms, The Hidden Spring: A Journey to the Source of Consciousness.

[12] David Graeber & David Wengrow, The Dawn of Everything.

Independent Left have adopted an Animal Rights policy inspired by the goals of the National Animal Rights Assocation.

In August 2022, Independent Left hosted a Zoom meeting led by Laura Broxson, animal rights activist and founder of the National Animal Rights Association.

Filed Under: Animal Rights, Independent Left Policies

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